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A WOMEN'S PLACE IS IN
DECISION MAKING:
GENDER, GOVERNANCE AND THE IMPLEMENTATION OF AGENDA 21.
By Zonny Woods, Action Canada for Population and Development
INDICATOR: Number of women in decision making
WHAT AGENDA 21 SAID ABOUT WOMEN IN DECISION MAKING
Chapter 24 of Agenda 21 acknowledged the importance of the involvement
of women in decision making for the successful implementation of
Agenda 21. Before and after 1992, many other United Nations (UN)
documents had stressed the same point, including the 1985 Nairobi
Forward-looking Strategies for the Advancement of Women (FLS). Chapter
24 of Agenda 21 called for national governments to not only implement
the Nairobi FLS but to pay particular attention to women's participation
in national ecosystem management and control of environment degradation;
and increase the proportion of women decision makers, planners,
technical advisers, managers and extension workers in environment
and development fields. Specifically Chapter 24 called for governments
to take "Measures to review policies and establish plans to
increase the proportion of women involved as decision makers, planners,
managers, scientists and technical advisers in the design, development
and implementation of policies and programmes for sustainable development."
At the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women (Beijing
1995), the importance of the involvement of women in decision-making
was once again reiterated by the international community, setting
a goal of 30 percent of women in national decision making positions.
In 1995 Canada formulated a national plan for the advancement of
women, both within its own borders and globally titled: Setting
the Stage for the Next Century: The Federal Plan for Gender Equality
(1995-2000). The Federal Plan is both a statement of commitments
and a framework for the Future, linked to the twelve critical areas
outlined in the Platform for Action (PFA) from Beijing conference,
and included a section on the ?incorporation of women's perspectives
in governance.
CANADA IN 2002
In 2002, women constitute only 20.6% of Canadian members of Parliament.
Women's representation in politics in Canada has been increasing
since the 1980s, when women represented only five percent of federal
members of Parliament. In 1998 women comprised 19.9%, of the elected
members in the federal House of Commons. As of April 1999, there
were nine female Cabinet Ministers. In April 2002, that number is
down to two.
Beyond the numbers of women in elected office, it
is a bit more difficult to monitor the number of women involved
in other levels of decision-making. Since Rio, Canadian women have
made some advances in numbers and influence in political, economic
and social decision-making, however, these advances have been hampered
by massive cuts to social services and equality seeking women's
groups. At all levels, it has become increasingly difficult for
Canadian women's groups to respond to new policy initiatives and
make their voices heard given their limited financial and human
resources. While the Canadian government often engages in consultation
processes with civil society, women are increasingly absent from
these activities as a result of the limited resources available
for them to engage in this work.
The Government has stated that "Canada is committed to including
women's perspectives on achieving sustainable development."
In fact, Canada's ability to enact and enforce environmental and
health protection laws are restricted by two forces: international
trade agreements and the increasing "cost-recovery" system
of turning health research and quality control over to private business
with financial interests in the outcomes.
Women remain under-represented in decision-making positions, especially
at senior levels in the public and private sectors. In addition
there is a low participation rate of women in science and technology
and women remain a minority among professionals working in such
fields as the natural sciences, engineering and mathematics.
Globally, according to the Interparliamentary Union,
Canada ranks 30 out of 189 countries. Sweden is at the top, with
42.7 percent of women in parliament. According to a report by the
Women's Environment and Development Organization:
"Governments have pledged, in a number of
international agreements, to ensure that women's empowerment and
gender equity is made a priority. The UN has designated 30 percent
as the 'critical mass' required to maintain the impetus to truly
equal, 50/50, representation. Some countries have reported progress,
but measurable data on governmental efforts to increase the proportion
of women in decision-making on sustainable development is quite
limited. The general lack of gender-disaggregated data does not
allow for adequate assessments".
Women's increased participation in decision making
will require a better understanding, at all levels, of the barriers
that hinder their participation. Gender analysis and the collection
of appropriate indicators are important tools that can provide the
accurate information, highlight barriers and assist in proposing
policy alternatives for overcoming barriers to the participation
of women. The Gender Empowerment Measure (GEM) is useful when assessing
the degree by which men and women are able to participate in economic
and political life. It measures, for example: seats in parliament
held by women; the proportion of women in management; technical
and professional workers and a women's share of earned income.
Women cannot become involved in decision-making in equal proportions
to men when they remain primarily responsible for child-rearing,
when they are economically disadvantaged by their care giving role,
and when they have fewer economic resources to run for office. It
is not just a matter of changing attitudes, it is a matter of changing
underlying structures which keep women poor.
TARGETS AND STRATEGIES FOR 2012
Canada and the international community have set targets for the
involvement of women in decision making. The political participation
and representation of women is essential to achieve the ends of
Agenda 21 and the outcomes of the WSSD in Johannesburg.
During the negotiations leading up to the WSSD,
Canada has played an important role in promoting the incorporation
of gender and a rights-based approach throughout the document. This
is significant given the that the current political trend, led by
the United States, the Holy See and Sudan, is to roll back international
commitments to gender equality from the UN Conferences of the 1990s.
It is important that Canada continues to demonstrate leadership
in this area.
While the underrepresentation of women in decision
making is the result of many complex factors there are a number
of strategies that can be adopted to "correct the balance"
In 1991 the Royal Commission on Electoral Reform and Party Finances
recommended that incentives be provided via the election expenses
reimbursement system to encourage parties to elect more women .
Adopting this recommendation would certainly be a step in the right
direction.

STRENGTHENING MAJOR GROUPS:
YOUTH
By Clarisse Kehler Siebert and Lindsay Cole, Youth Summit Team
"Youth comprise nearly 30 percent of the world's
population. The involvement of today's youth in environment and
development decision-making and in the implementation of prgrammes
is critical to the long-term success of Agenda 21." Agenda
21, 25.1
INDICATOR
At the Rio Earth Summit in 1992, Canada agreed to a series of commitments
relating to United Nations Major Groups. Chapter 25 of Agenda 21
is concerned with the Major Group of children and youth. This chapter
deals with children and youth issues of that time, including employment,
equitable access to education, capacity-building for participation
in decision-making processes and others. For the youth participants
involved in the Rio conference, this was an important victory in
international sustainable development initiatives. It was a formal
opening created for the input of youth perspectives into the complex
world of international politics. For this reason, youth engagement
in decision-making will be used as the indicator to measure the
strengthening of "youth" as a major group. This will be
measured by assessing federal departments' commitments to:
· promote youth engagement
· create youth consultation strategies on legislative, policy
and programming issues, and
· have task forces or committees on sustainable development
and youth members on sustainable development-related advisory committees
STATE OF THE INDICATOR IN 1992
It is no coincidence that Chapter 25 made youth inclusion in decision-making
a primary focus. In Canada as in other countries, mechanisms for
youth inclusion were virtually non-existent at the time. On matters
of sustainable development, this was recognized as particularly
paradoxical, as youth should have a vested interest in sustainable
development. The "without compromising the needs of future
generations" clause of the Brundtland Report's definition of
sustainable development is particularly poignant for the Major Group
comprised of youth.
CURRENT STATE OF THE INDICATOR
Canada has outwardly promoted ideas of incorporating youth into
policy- and decision-making processes at both the national and international
levels. One of the most recent examples was at the 21st session
of the United Nations Environment Programme Governing Council where
Canada lead the way in passing a decision on youth engagement in
decision-making in UNEP. There is some concern, however, that while
youth are being consulted and given opportunity to participate,
space has not been created to engage in decision-making processes,
and many departments have yet to bring youth perspectives into their
policy and decision-making work. Table 1 below defines the distinction
between "participation" and "engagement".
To assess the current state of youth engagement
in decision- and policy-making, in November 2001, members of the
Canadian Youth Summit Team investigated the main departments within
the federal government. Two departments in particular presented
positive results. Environment Canada (EC) houses the National Youth
Round Table on the Environment. The group of approximately 15 young
people from across Canada is selected by EC staff each year, to
meet several times each year to comment on EC programs and work
plan, as well as develop their own action items. EC also includes
an official youth delegate on their delegations to the UN Commission
on Sustainable Development, and has a full-time staff person dedicated
to youth outreach programs.
The Canadian Centre on Foreign Policy division of
the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade (DFAIT)
has as one of its funding criteria, that all projects involve youth.
DFAIT is pushing to develop a youth component in every department.
In preparations for the World Summit on Sustainable
Development, the Canadian WSSD Secretariat has been instrumental
in supporting the Canadian youth preparatory process through funding,
and asking a youth to sit on the Reference Group mandated to prepare
Canada's National Report for WSSD. This is a good indication that
youth engagement - - in some departments - is improving. Other departments
that have strong ties to Canada's ability to progress towards sustainability
- notably industry and finance - have shown very little commitment
to youth engagement in their decision-making processes.
TARGET FOR 2012
The 1992 Rio UN Conference on Environment and Development established
infrastructure and made commitments on sustainable development issues
through Agenda 21 and the Rio Declarations. A focus of WSSD must
be the implementation of these commitments. To implement Rio commitments
specific to youth, Canada must take incremental steps to establish
youth engagement strategies in all federal Departments by the year
2012. Strategies and mechanisms for youth engagement should be mandated
at the provincial and territorial levels, and at the municipal level
through the Federation of Canadian Municipalities and provincial/territorial
departments of municipal affairs.
NECESSARY ACTIONS
The following are some suggestions from the Canadian youth community
on how they might better be engaged in decision- and policy-making
processes domestically:
· Each department should create a youth engagement strategy
and implementation plan. This strategy could include: establishment
of Youth Round Tables similar to that of Environment Canada, inclusion
of youth on delegations sent to bilateral and multilateral meetings,
description of how youth perspectives on policy issues will be gathered
and used. Meaningful employment opportunities for young people in
the civil service as well as internship opportunities could be described
in this strategy and implementation plan as well for a more complete
picture of departmental youth engagement. Each department should
create permanent, competitively waged positions for young people
where they will develop outreach, education and engagement programs
designed to link their peers to specific departmental activities.
· The Canadian government should establish a central, coordinating
body to engage youth in national policy and decision-making work.
A great potential home for this body would be in the Privy Council
Office. This body would be responsible for soliciting and reporting
on youth perspectives on key policy issues of concern to the youth
community, as well as perspectives on policy work currently underway
in the Federal government. A focus should be on long-term engagement
and capacity- and relationship-building rather than time and issue
specific short-term 'consultations.'
· A space should be created for youth input
into the work of the Commissioner on Environment and Sustainable
Development. This is particularly important in the context of the
upcoming WSSD. The CESD is responsible for holding the federal government
responsible for their sustainable development commitments, and youth
need to be at this table making sure our perspectives are heard.
· The office of the Secretary of State for
Children and Youth Affairs needs to be expanded. It should be staffed
with young people, and have sub-departments to address particular
issues of concern to youth, like sustainable development. The mandate,
resources and capacity of this department must be expanded in order
to truly reflect the values of Canadian youth.
· The mechanisms by which the Senator on
Youth Affairs outreaches to the youth community needs to be improved.
This person is an important information conduit between the youth
of Canada and the Prime Minister, and the role is not currently
effective.
· More resources for youth initiative must
be made available by the federal government, to promote capacity
building of youth organizations.
· The new websites for youth being developed
by the federal government need to be improved. These sites should
allow for substantive contribution of youth on policy issues and
other issues of concern. The government must then be held accountable
to youth using the site to act on their concerns and report back
on their activities.
TIMELINE
§ Prime Minister to commit to attend WSSD - post Prep Comm
III (April 2002)
§ Announcement of a youth engagement strategy at WSSD - August
2002
§ Youth engagement to be built into next departmental Sustainable
Development strategies (2004), with broad consultation of the youth
community
§ Establishment of FCM/ICLEI partnerships - ongoing
§ Longer term (2004,2005) provincial efforts to engage youth
§ 2007 review of what has happened and report back to the international
community at WSSD + 5
CANADA IN THE GLOBAL CONTEXT
Compared to other countries, Canada is progressive in terms of including
youth in sustainable development processes. At CSD 10, serving as
the third Preparatory Committee for WSSD, Canada was one of six
countries to have a youth on their official delegation. There are
still several other countries that do better than us regarding actual
engagement. In countries with state Youth Councils, such as Australia,
Sweden, the Netherlands and Denmark, the substantive contributions
youth are able to make in relation to government positions is much
greater. Further, Canada's good record is limited to environment.
Other areas like trade, international development, finance, education
and industry, all integral to achieving sustainable development,
have a long way to go.

STRENGTHENING MAJOR
GROUPS-ABORIGINAL PEOPLES
By Karen Wristen, Canadian Arctic Resources Committee
INDICATOR
Agenda 21 contains numerous objectives for strengthening aboriginal
communities and their ability to participate in land and resource
development decisions. Most of these objectives by far defy quantitative
assessment, either because of their nature or because of the absence
of records relative to the objective. I have chosen the following
commitment as an indicator, because our progress on this one will
leverage our ability to meet the balance of objectives for aboriginal
communities:
Establishment of a process to empower indigenous
people and their communities through measures that include:
· Adoption or strengthening of appropriate policies and/or
legal instruments at the national level;
· Recognition that the lands of indigenous people and their
communities should be protected from activities that are environmentally
unsound or that the indigenous people concerned consider to be socially
and culturally inappropriate.
STATE OF THE INDICATOR IN 1992
While it is difficult to generalize about this indicator, given
the diverse relationships between the federal government and Canada's
aboriginal peoples, it is fair to say that in 1992, there was little
apparent recognition of the principles set out above. Most decision-making
concerning the fate of Crown lands subject to aboriginal title claims
was undertaken by the federal, Territorial or provincial governments,
often with little or no consultation with aboriginal people. Reserve
lands were similarly administered, with critical decisions concerning
the use and disposition of lands often being made without complete
understanding of the facts or the long-term interests of the aboriginal
population in question. Environmental assessment did not formally
recognize the need for consultation at the political level on development
decisions.
STATE OF THE INDICATOR IN 2002
Some progress has been made on these issues and is worthy of note.
For example, the Arctic Environmental Strategy, initiated in 1991
by the Department of Indian and Northern Affairs, has proved hugely
successful in addressing pressing issues of toxic contaminants.
The AES may well be credited with the leading role Canada played
in the successful conclusion of the Stockholm Convention on Persistent
Organic Pollutants. The Strategy fully involved five aboriginal
peoples; it was well funded and its goals were clearly laid out.
It worked co-operatively with circumpolar partners. While it remains
to be seen whether or not that success can be brought to ground
through the implementation of the Stockholm Convention, it is clear
that the partnership approach developed on the contaminants issue
as part of the Strategy itself is a model worth replication.
Progress has also been achieved on the treaty-making
front, though progress is slow and complicated by the provincial
interests at stake. Substantial guidance and direction has been
given by the Supreme Court of Canada since 1991, confirming, for
example, the existence of aboriginal title in British Columbia and
the duty to consult meaningfully before taking decisions that may
affect aboriginal title.
We remain far short of effective recognition that
aboriginal lands should be protected from development that is environmentally
unsound or socio-economically undesirable, however. In order to
achieve this, it would be necessary to have in place the following:
· Processes to permit effective participation of aboriginal
people in land use decisions
· Funding to ensure participation can be meaningful
· Plans and policies to govern the making of land use decisions
· Baseline data to permit effective assessment of development
proposals
· Monitoring and enforcement programmes to ensure compliance
with permit conditions
Commitments of this nature are constitutionally
enshrined in some treaties; yet the government of Canada is far
behind in its ability to deliver on them. For example:
· there are no approved land use plans in
the Yukon or NWT, or in parts of Nunavut;
· such plans as exist do not contain protected areas or zoning
to control development;
· the Cumulative Impact Monitoring Programme, part of the
Gwich'in and Sahtu comprehensive land claims agreements, is fully
five years behind schedule and to date has not even developed indicators
for monitoring;
· the development assessment process under the Yukon Umbrella
Final Agreement is years behind schedule and there are no legislated
provisions for intervenor funding as part of environmental assessment
for the NWT and Nunavut;
· the free entry mineral rights disposition for federal lands
in Yukon, NWT and Nunavut continues in place leading to land and
resource use conflicts.
The situation is far more complex in the non-treaty
lands of British Columbia and Alberta, where land use decisions
are made by the provincial governments. Recognition of even the
basic duty of meaningful consultation has been painfully slow to
come. The provinces continue to refuse to acknowledge the existence
of aboriginal title attached to any particular territory, insisting
that acknowledgment will only be achieved by the conclusion of a
treaty or by order of a court. This means that land use decisions
continue to be made against the wishes of First Nations and often
in derogation of their constitutionally protected rights.
DESIRABLE STATE OF THE INDICATOR IN 2012
It is probably unrealistic, given the involvement of the provinces
and the progress of the Treaty Process to date, to expect that within
10 years the federal government will be able to achieve the conclusion
of legal instruments resolving the outstanding land claims and sovereignty
claims in Canada. Therefore, it is suggested that the most effective
way for the federal government to achieve the objectives of Agenda
21, without compromising further its constitutional obligations
to Canada's aboriginal peoples, would be to concentrate resources
on attaining agreements in principle and joint management agreements
that permit effective aboriginal veto over land use decisions in
their territories pending the conclusion of final agreements and
treaties.
RECOMMENDED COURSES OF ACTION
· Maintain and increase funding to treaty and joint-management
processes;
· Work with any of a number of successful models of co-management
to establish effective decision-making bodies to govern lands subject
to aboriginal title or claims of sovereignty;
· Focus resources on the development of policy and higher-level
plans to govern regional development;
· Fund the research, monitoring and enforcement necessary
to ensure that development does not further degrade the environment;
and
· Capacity building to ensure Aboriginal people have the
tools required to effectively participate in land use decision-making.

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THE VITALITY OF CANADA'S
VOLUNTARY SECTOR/NGOS
Jointly prepared by: Stephane Bordeleau, Société Parkinson
du Québec, Grace Burns, ALS Society; Lara Ellis, Canadian
Nature Federation; Marlo Raynolds, Pembina Institute for Appropriate
Development; Paula Speevak-Sladowski, Volunteer Canada; Bernard
Voyer, Taoist Tai Chi Society.
The Canadian voluntary sector is comprised of 77,000
registered charities, 100,000 legally incorporated non-profits and
an estimated 886,000 grass-roots organizations across the country.
Created and governed by caring citizens, they are vastly different
in both size and structure and include large multi-service agencies
with unionized staff, small collectives, community organizations
with highly specialized professionals, and ad-hoc groups of like-
minded people. Some have a national, provincial, or regional scope,
while most have local community mandates.
According to the 2000 National Survey on Giving,
Volunteering and Participating, of Canadians over 15 years of age,
27% volunteer their time (a total of 6.5 million people) 91% make
donations (a total of 22 million people), and eight out of ten Canadians
participate in at least one organization. Close to two million Canadians
have paid employment in the voluntary sector and more and more colleges
and universities are offering specialized programs for voluntary
sector leaders, managers and practitioners.
Dynamic and diverse, the voluntary sector in Canada
collectively provides services and programs to all ages aimed at
improving the quality of life of its citizens in:
| Human rights |
Education |
| Environmental protection |
Heritage preservation |
| International development |
Faith and spirituality |
| Health and social services |
Philanthropy |
| Arts and culture |
Sports and recreation |
Many organizations within these sub-sectors fall
within provincial jurisdiction in terms of funding, legislation,
and professional regulatory bodies. While there are long-standing
coalitions, networks, and associations within these sub-sectors,
we are only now beginning to see the emergence of broader voluntary
sector coalitions, chambers, councils, and civic forums. This movement
to build cohesion in the broader voluntary sector is motivated by
a collective will to have greater input into public policy, build
the capacity of the sector, raise the profile of the sector, and
promote collaboration and partnerships within the sector.
On December 5, 2001, the Government of Canada signed
an Accord with the Canadian Voluntary Sector recognizing the complementary
roles the public and voluntary sector play in building civil society.
The Conference Board of Canada and the Canadian Centre for Philanthropy
have conducted research and are championing Corporate Social Responsibility
and promoting corporate and voluntary sector relationships. More
than ever, the voluntary sector is being acknowledged for the critical
role it plays in promoting sustainable communities along with its
public and private partners.
VOLUNTEERISM AS A MEASURE OF CIVIL SOCIETY
The rate of volunteering is one measure of civil society and considered
by some as a key indicator of the overall vitality of the voluntary
sector. This indicator was selected because the data is current
and available and not because it has widespread acceptance as the
definitive measure of the strength of the voluntary sector. Various
levels of government as well as the academic community have recognized
the value of research on the voluntary sector. Several important
research projects are now underway and cover areas such as funding
mechanisms, human resource practices, the scope of the voluntary
sector, typography of voluntary organizations, social justice and
grantmaking, and voluntary sector collaboration.
Over the years, there have been some interesting shifts in the rate
and type of volunteering that Canadians do. In 1997, 31% of Canadians
volunteered an average of 149 hours per year yet in 2000, only 27%
volunteered but they contributed an average of 163 hours. Less people
volunteering more time is also reflected in the worrisome statistic
that 6.3% of volunteers contribute 78% of the volunteer hours.
VOLUNTEER RATE
| |
1992 Estimate |
1997 |
2000 |
2012 Target |
| Volunteer Hours given during the year / per capita |
45 hours / yearper capita |
46 hours / year per capita |
44 hours /year per capita |
52 hours /year per capita |
| Percentage of People over the Age of 15 who volunteer |
30% |
31% |
27% |
34% |
CHALLENGES OF USING VOLUNTEER RATE AS AN INDICATOR
First, there is some disagreement about what is counted as both
formal and informal volunteering particularly in rural settings,
and cultural communities. Second, while the number of people volunteering
has dropped, the level of giving and participating (i.e. membership,
affiliation, monetary donations - not shown in above table) has
increased. So even though the volunteer rate has declined, it would
seem that the overall level of citizen engagement is increasing.
To bring about systemic change, some Canadian and
international NGOs believe that the two streams of voluntary sector
activity - direct service to alleviate suffering and advocacy to
influence public policy - need to work more effectively together.
The complexities of the Canadian federated state system as well
as the organization and cohesion of the broader voluntary sector
being in early development create unique challenges to relationship
between government and the voluntary sector.
TRENDS AND STRATEGIES TOWARDS REACHING THE 2012
TARGET
In response to the changing nature of work (e.g. fewer permanent
jobs and services; more contracts and projects) the sector is challenged
to create short-term volunteer assignments rather than long-term
volunteer positions. Mobilizing workplace-supported volunteers and
collaborating with the private sector on their corporate social
responsibility initiatives is a growing trend for the voluntary
sector and one that has the potential to positively impact the volunteer
rate. Voluntary organizations are also faced with a growing number
of mandatory community service programs (e.g. high-school programs,
court-ordered service, social assistance / "workfare"
programs) and there is a need to explore the philosophical and practical
implications of this type of participation.
HOW DOES THE CANADIAN VOLUNTARY SECTOR CONTRIBUTE
TO SUSTAINABLE COMMUNITIES IN A GLOBAL SOCIETY?
The authors of this report are students of the McGill-McConnell
Program (Master of Management for National Voluntary Sector Leaders).
The "Global Sustainability" group has produced a report
on a number of voluntary sector case studies of different models
of collaboration developed to increase sustainability. It also identifies
other indicators of voluntary sector vitality. The report will become
available on the web.
Sources:
National Survey on Volunteering (Statistics Canada, 1987), National
Survey on Giving Volunteering and Participating (Statistics Canada,
The Canadian Centre for Philanthropy, Volunteer Canada, Human Resource
Development Canada, and Heritage Canada 1997, 2000), A Portrait
of Canadian Charities (National Voluntary Organizations 1994), The
State of Voluntary Sector Research in Canada (Canadian Centre for
Philanthropy 2000), Attitudes of Canadians on Charities (Muttart
Foundation 2001), Canadian Centre for Philanthropy Web-site (www.nonprofitscan.org
February 2002).

LOCAL AUTHORITIES
By Nola-Kate Seymoar, International Centre for Sustainable Cities
INDICATOR: Implementation of Local Agenda
21 (LA21)
RATIONALE FOR INDICATOR
According to Secretary General, Nitin Dessai there are three areas
of focus for the World Summit for Sustainable Development (WSSD):
implementation, partnerships and rebuilding political commitments.
While implementation of Agenda 21 on a national level has fallen
short of expectations, in Canada, successes have been achieved at
the local level. Chapter 28 of Agenda 21 stipulates that "by
1996, most local authorities in each country should have undertaken
a consultative process with their population and achieved a consensus
on a local Agenda 21 for their communities." The International
Council for Local Environmental Improvements (ICLEI) was the original
author of Chapter 28 and serves, along with partners representing
elected officials, as the focal point for gathering international
data on progress at the local government level. ICLEI has published
the results of two international surveys of progress on Local Agenda
21 (LA21), in 1997 and in 2002. ICLEI defined LA21 as "a participatory,
multi-stakeholder process to achieve the goals of Agenda 21 at the
local level through the preparation and implementation of a long
term strategic plan that addresses priority local sustainable development
concerns."
Local Agenda 21 processes are characterized as including the following
milestones that are to be achieved through a participatory process:
1. Establishment of a multi-stakeholder group to oversee the LA21
process.
2. Completion of a local sustainability audit
3. Completion of a sustainability community vision, based on the
audit and an assessment of community priorities
4. Implementation of an LA21 action plan, identifying clear goals,
priorities, measurable targets, roles and responsibilities, funding
sources and work activities
5. Establishment of community based monitoring of progress using
local indicators.
WHERE CANADA WAS AT IN 1992
Local government was part of the Canadian delegation in Rio, and
Canada benefited from the fact that ICLEI was headquartered in Toronto.
As the concept of LA21 was born at Rio, no cities had yet formally
adopted such a plan, but there was a clear expectation that Canada
would make significant progress on this chapter.
WHERE WE ARE AT IN 2002
According to ICLEI's recent survey Canada has 14 cities that are
well along in implementing LA21. Of these, two - Hamilton/Wentworth,
and the Greater Vancouver Regional District (GVRD) have received
world wide recognition for their long term strategies. Canada however,
is far behind most European countries. In order to explain Canada's
poor showing on this indicator it is important to consider whether
it is a definitional problem or truly represents a lack of action.
In the author's opinion it is both.
The GVRD, for example, has a well developed Livable
Region Strategic Plan that encompasses all of the LA21 measures
and represents 22 local authorities, not just one. The Federation
of Canadian Municipalities (FCM) started a climate change action
program called the 20% club that later merged with ICLEI's world
wide "Cities for Climate Protection" campaign and became
known as Partners for Climate Protection (PCP). 91 Cities, representing
about 60% of Canada's population, are active participants in the
program. One third of the membership represents mostly small and
rural communities. This program is based on multi-stakeholder participatory
processes and FCM/ICLEI are pushing the communities to broaden their
involvement and embrace a larger LA21 or LA21- type approach. In
Manitoba, close to 80 Community Round Tables along with a strong
provincial Round Table were developed with the support of the Provincial
Government. Their efforts have been shifting in focus over the past
few years from economic development to environmental and social
well-being. The roundtables have a broad mandate and use multi-stakeholder
participatory processes. It appears therefore that the ICLEI survey
results identified local authorities that knew of LA21 and saw how
their actions fit with the definitions, but may have missed the
kind of activity represented by the community round tables or the
PCP participants. This fact however - the lack of identification
by Canadian municipalities with a major part of Agenda 21 remains
a significant problem.
According to the analysis of the "Second International
LA21 Survey report", there is a strong correlation between
national support for LA21 and the number of communities participating.
This is regardless of the formal structure of national, provincial/state,
and local governments. After Rio, in Canada, the federal Green Plan
provided energy, focus and resources to implement Agenda 21. While
the change in government in the mid nineties shut down the Green
Plan, the Minister of Environment under the new government championed
LA21 processes in her city of Hamilton/Wentworth. The results show.
Hamilton/Wentworth won the prestigious Dubai Award for best practices
in Human Settlements in 2000.
At a national level, the federal government has
long avoided direct involvement with municipalities, leaving that
to the provinces under whose authority they lie. Over the last three
years FCM has accelerated its programming role to support municipal
efforts to address climate change. CMHC saw its mandate as too limited
to provide effective leadership - either at Habitat II or in implementing
Rio. ICLEI, while based in Toronto, was focused on its international
mandate. The International Center for Sustainable Cities was among
the federally supported independent bodies introduced in response
to the Earth Summit but that lost its funding when broad cut backs
were made in the mid nineties. ICSC turned to contracts for foreign
aid projects to continue its work internationally. Thus there was
a national vacuum around the issue of domestic delivery of Local
Agenda 21. The activities that did occur - and as noted above there
were many, were not identified as LA21 and did not benefit from
the synergy that comes from shared experiences.
There is evidence that this situation is changing.
FCM have received funds (Green Municipal Funds) and are administering
them to support sustainable community development including green
infrastructure projects. They see the need for communities to have
broad sustainable development plans in order to maximize the impact
of those funds, and will be supporting the development of community
energy plans, local action plans and sustainable community plans.
The Prime Minister has established a Liberal task force to recommend
actions on urban issues. The National Round Table on the Environment
and the Economy (NRTEE) surveyed the "urban tsunami" and
recommended that Canada establish a Sustainable Cities Initiative
(SCI) aimed at building teams of Canadians from the public, private
and civil sectors that could address urban problems and capture
markets for urban expertise and technology at home and abroad. Five
government departments cooperated in developing the international
SCI and Industry Canada launched it in three cities in 1998. A review
of its success has led to recommendations to expand it to a larger
number of foreign cities in the future. The NRTEE has established
an urban task force and is actively examining ecological/fiscal
reforms. Several NGOs focused on urban issues have undertaken joint
projects, and Smart Growth is emerging as a movement in Canada.
TARGETS FOR 2012
Given that the majority of Canadians live in urban areas, it would
be reasonable to set as a target that 80% of the population be covered
by local authorities that have undertaken formal LA21 processes,
if they have not already done so, moving beyond the setting of the
agenda and into action. LA21 needs to be adapted to small, medium
and larger cities but the process is common. It is reasonable to
build on the existing programs and expand their scope.
STRATEGIES AND ACTIONS TO GET THERE
Given the importance of a national campaign and the need for champions
of the LA21 process, it is recommended that a combination of forces
be mobilized.
· The National Round Table on the Environment and Economy
has expertise and interest in multi-stakeholder consensus building
processes. A key step to establishing a viable LA21 is the creation
of such a body to oversee the local programs. The NRTEE is well
placed to serve as the organizing focal point for the creation of
Community Sustainability Councils (CSCs) to serve in this capacity.
· FCM is well placed to expand the PCP program and use the
influence of the Green Municipal Funds and other funds to help communities,
through their CSC's or equivalent bodies, to define and implement
their sustainable development strategic plans.
· ICLEI is well placed to provide the content, coaching and
capacity building for this LA21 process.
· In order to strengthen the role of Canadian NGOs in this
field, all three groups, NRTEE, FCM and ICLEI should be encouraged
to work with Canadian urban organizations to deliver the necessary
training and capacity building domestically. These include but are
not limited to the International Centre for Sustainable Cities,
the Canadian Urban Institute, and Groupe interuniversitaire de Montreal.
· A federal initiative similar to the international SCI needs
to be designed to address and support domestic activities related
to sustainable communities. It should have the financial authority
and ability to provide grants and seed money to both the local CSC's
and to initiatives outside of the CSC's which are in keeping with
the objectives of local agenda 21.
· Financing is necessary to provide the human resources for
the groups identified above to deliver a program, and seed money
is also needed to initiate actions once plans have been made. Funds
similar to the Neighborhood Grants programs operating in Seattle
have been shown to be highly cost effective.
GLOBAL CONTEXT
According to the ICLEI survey there are at least 6,416 local governments
in 113 countries involved in LA21 activities, a significant increase
from the 1,812 that were active in 1997. With only 14 cities identified,
Canada is far behind, although as indicated above, many communities
may be undertaking similar activities under another name or framework.
The USA reported 87, Germany 2042, and Italy 429, whereas Estonia
has 29 and Mongolia has 22. Developed countries have more than three
times the number of LA21's compared to 1997. Regionally Europe leads
the world with 5,292 municipalities involved.
Internationally, through the work of the International
Centre for Sustainable Cities, FCM, the Canadian Urban Institute,
Agra Team, Groupe interuniversitaire de Montreal and many others
supported by CIDA and other donor funds, local government capacity
building activities in developing countries feature strategic planning
for sustainable development and multi-stakeholder and public participatory
processes. Ironically we may be better at facilitating LA21 processes
in other countries than we are at home.
Despite having been the home of the conference which
established the UN Centre for Human Settlements in 1976, Canada
is no longer active in support of Habitat, the United Nations Programme
for Human Settlements.
If as many of us believe - local action is the key
to implementation of Agenda 21, and the next century will see a
major demographic shift to urban areas, the challenge for Canada
is to refocus its efforts nationally to bring national support behind
the achievement of sustainable development at the community level.
At the same time Canada could reassume her world leadership in the
field, support Habitat, and use the thirtieth anniversary of the
founding of Habitat to host a tri-sectoral summit on urban sustainability
in Vancouver in 2006.

SUSTAINABLE WORKPLACES
By David Bennett, Canadian Labour Congress
In Agenda 2l, arising out of Rio in l992, the notion
of sustainable development was articulated and given a global presence
in environmental thinking. In subsequent years, sustainability was
further articulated and given three poles or pillars: a sustainable
environment, a sustainable economy and sustainable communities or
a sustainable society. But the notion of sustainable workplaces
and the health of workers was nowhere on the radar screen. This
was in one respect not surprising since workers as a group are invariably
the last to be considered in environmental health deliberations,
e.g. over the health effects of chemical pesticides. But in other
respects the failure is quite astonishing, since it ought to be
self-evident that most environmental problems are focussed on workplaces,
such as resource inputs and utilization, energy use and, above all,
environmental pollution. So the omission stands in need of explanation.
In Agenda 21, there was a short, later chapter on cleaner technology
but no attempt to focus on the workplace as the source and the potential
resolution of a host of major environmental problems. In the subsequent
work of the UN Commission on Sustainable Development, there was
some international movement on risk reduction as a part of Agenda
21, Ch. 19: The Environmentally Sound Management of Chemicals. The
labour movement was also a party to an international standard for
the right to know about chemical hazards, arising out of Ch. 19,
Part B, The Globally Harmonized System for Chemical Classification
and Labelling. This consensus standard, which covers a wide range
of products including industrial chemicals, pesticides, consumer
goods and pharmaceuticals, is now being implemented by the UN Economic
and Social Council (ECOSOC). The provision, if properly implemented,
will bring the worker and community right to know to a wide range
of less developed countries world-wide. This is a great advance,
in many ways modelled on Canada's Workplace Hazardous Materials
Information System (WHMIS) but far less well-known than it ought
to be.
But in all this, there was little attention to Pollution Prevention,
which is an essential part of sustainable development.
INDICATOR: The implementation of Pollution
Prevention.
Pollution Prevention is defined by the Government
of Canada as:
The use of processes, practices, materials, products or energy that
avoid or minimize the creation of pollutants and waste, and reduce
overall risk to human health or the environment.
While there are several different formulations, this definition
is as good as any. But federal government action since l995, when
this definition was made official, has been minimal, even disingenuous.
Pollution Prevention was the avowed aim of the Canadian Environmental
Protection Act (CEPA, l999) but the requirements for Pollution Prevention
Planning are slight and so far inconsequential. One reason for this
is that Pollution Prevention deals with processes within workplaces
when the matter of what goes on inside workplaces is largely under
provincial jurisdiction. Thus Pollution Prevention is something
very difficult for the federal government to do effectively.
LOOKING BACK
The CEPA (1999) has Pollution Prevention as its avowed aim. Yet,
because the approach of CEPA is to address individual substances
or classes of substance rather than looking at toxic substances
holistically within workplaces, Environment Canada's programme is
not convincing. So far it has proposed mandatory Pollution Prevention
planning for a very small number of substances, e.g. dichloromethane,
on Schedule l of CEPA. Schedule l is itself a short list of 52 substances.
Thus the approach cannot address the dozens or hundreds of toxic
substances used in a typical workplace. Since most of these workplaces
fall under provincial jurisdiction, the Pollution Prevention planning
requirements are feeble or circumspect. Federal inspectors are unable
to enter these workplaces to verify the effectiveness of Pollution
Prevention plans.
The limited evidence available shows that Pollution
Prevention activities as defined by the government are minimal.
Of 2,190 facilities reporting pollution emissions under the National
Pollutants Release Inventory (CEPA-NPRI) at most 9.6% reported activities
that would genuinely count as Pollution Prevention, while only about
3% engaged in any form of materials/ product reformulation or chemical
substitution.
This means that voluntary measures have only limited success. This
in spite of efforts of national bodies to promote voluntary initiatives.
The independent Canadian Centre for Pollution Prevention does valiant
work on a shoestring. The federal government's National Office of
Pollution Prevention tries to do good work but is bullied by big
business which contends (quite wrongly) that Pollution Prevention
is bad for the economy. Several provinces such as Ontario and British
Columbia have produced comprehensive guides to Pollution Prevention.
But without legislation and the adoption of the precautionary approach
to chemical management and control, these efforts do not amount
to much in practice. The stranglehold of free trade agreements and
the place in them of Quantitative Risk Assessment (QRA) would make
it difficult for governments to implement Pollution Prevention -
if they even tried.
CANADA IN THE GLOBAL CONTEXT
At the international level, the recent Stockholm Convention on Persistent
Organic Pollutants (POPS) which has been signed by Canada, requires
the phasing out of several of the dozen pollutants so far covered
- a very limited number. But it is a start, the banning of chemicals
being one obvious Pollution Prevention strategy.
Otherwise, it has been left to the labour and environmental movements
to push the issue of Pollution Prevention, on the grounds that it
protects workers, the environment and local communities equally.
The Canadian Labour Congress produced its National Pollution Prevention
Strategy in l997 and the issue has been taken up by several unions
in both the private and public sectors. The Canadian Institute of
Environmental Law and Policy (CIELAP) has done good work on Pollution
Prevention in its Citizens' Guide. Other environmental organizations
have adopted Pollution Prevention and used it in their strategies,
for instance over water quality and the public reporting of Pollution
Prevention measures undertaken by polluting industries.
The record over sustainable production is even worse. It has been
left to bodies outside Canada to develop the idea of sustainable
production of goods and services, such as the Lowell Centre for
Sustainable Production. The most culpable agencies here are Industry
Canada and the Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade.
The agencies have opposed all forms of chemical regulation and precautionary
approaches (though they pay lip service to them) on the grounds
that these are bad for the economy. They have also misconstrued
the scientific grounds for government intervention, insisting on
risk assessments before any action can be taken. This again reflects
a business position on what critics, in a slight understatement,
have called corporate junk science. The fact is that Pollution Prevention
initiatives in workplaces do not require risk assessment as a precondition
of action, Pollution Prevention being one essential element in sustainable
production. The stance taken by these government agencies in fact
stifles innovation and competition, condemning Canada to a stagnating
rustbelt economy and a poisoned population at the same time.
The Canadian labour movement has well-articulated policies on Green
Job Creation and Just Transition for workers during environmental
change. Since the federal and some provincial governments are determined
that there will be no such environmental change, e.g. over the ratification
of the Kyoto Protocol, such policies have been hard to implement
at the national level. In workplaces and in the recent moves towards
sustainable communities, these ventures are having more success.
TARGETS AND STRATEGIES FOR 2012
What then must happen if we are to achieve significant progress
on sustainable production in the next decade? First, we have to
have effective legislation which mandates Pollution Prevention in
workplaces rather than addressing individual substances. For workplaces
under federal jurisdiction, Part lX of CEPA (federal undertakings)
could easily be used.
Second, we need the precautionary approach to be firmly entrenched
in national policy, not merely the feeble proposals now being circulated.
Third, we have to eliminate those parts of free trade agreements
which rule out the precautionary approach in favour of risk assessment,
particularly those parts dealing with health and environmental hazards,
together with Chapter 11 of NAFTA (Investment).
We also need to build on our successes in environmental policy -
including the work environment - such as WHMIS and the NPRI.
Finally, we need to see tangible progress in the move towards sustainable
communities, of which production systems are only a part. The direct
dialogue which is emerging between the federal government - particularly
the Finance Department - and the big municipalities is one such
avenue of progress. Another is in the moves that have been made
to create municipal investment funds to improve the environmental
infrastructure and to address climate change measures in such areas
as mass transit and energy efficiency.

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CORPORATE SOCIAL
RESPONSIBILITY
By Lisa Princic, Canadian Business for Social Responsibility
INDICATOR
Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR) and Sustainable Development
are relatively new terms in the business world gaining considerable
momentum in the last five years. Canadian Business for Social
Responsibility (CBSR), the Canadian Democracy and Corporate
Accountability Commission and other CSR experts have determined
that accountability is an important component of CSR. Social
and environmental (sustainability) reporting is one method
by which organizations can be held accountable to their stakeholders.
There can be many different reasons for a company to produce
sustainability reports including enhanced reputation, reduced
risk and strengthened brand and profile. Another possible
motivator for producing reports is the increased interest
and commitment to transparency and accountability. One indicator
that can be used for tracking CSR progress in Canada is the
number of companies that publicly disclose environmental and
social reports on their operations or include sustainability
sections as a portion of their annual report.
STATE OF THE INDICATOR IN 1992
Research in an independent study found that in 1992, 18 Canadian
companies published detailed environmental, social or sustainability
reports. This was approximately double the number from the
previous year. During this period, companies were mainly producing
single-issue reports such as environmental reports or ones
with limited integration such as Environmental Health and
Safety Reports.
STATE OF THE INDICATOR IN 2002
In 2001, 57 Canadian companies produced public sustainability
reports. Although the increase in number of public reports
has been dramatic at 300%, the total number of companies issuing
public reports is still minute. It is interesting to note
that while the number of reports increased very little, the
scope of these reports expanded as the definition of CSR continued
to broaden. There has been a movement towards more comprehensive
triple bottom line performance (social, environmental and
financial) reporting in recent years.
There have been, and continue to be, initiatives to develop
globally applicable guidelines for reporting on the economic,
environmental, and social performance of corporations, governments
and NGOs. As there are currently in excess of 150 international
voluntary codes, Canadian companies struggle to select or
develop the "right" code. One such code is the Global
Reporting Initiative (GRI), established in late 1997. A goal
of the GRI is to make sustainability reporting as routine
and credible as financial reporting in terms of comparability,
rigour and verifiability.
In an in-depth evaluation on sustainability reports from 35
companies from 1999-2000, the total 'quality' scores ranges
from 28 to 96 out of a total score of 156. This survey assessed
the quality and comprehensiveness of sustainability information
provided in these corporate reports only. It is important
to note that very few of these reviewed reports had independent
external verification.
This wide range in quality of reporting is not surprising
given the plethora of voluntary codes and the absence of a
standardized reporting format. The lack of a broader commitment
to public CSR reporting indicates that corporate Canada is
still struggling with developing clear indicators, benchmarks
and reporting standards.
WHERE THE INDICATOR SHOULD BE IN 2012
Reporting targets and goals need to move from the aspirational
to the practical and tactical. Canada needs a standardized
set of indicators which are seen to be credible by business,
NGOs and government and which can be tracked, monitored and
reported on in a systematic and reliable way. These indicators
should be compatible with acceptable international standards.
ACTIONS REQUIRED TO GET THERE BY 2012
Although the business community is resistant and suspicious
of increased regulation and government intervention, without
substantial changes on these fronts we will see changes continue
to happen but only on the margins.
The recent report, The New Balance Sheet -
Corporate Profits and Responsibility in the 21st Century,
calls for regulations to create a set of CSR guidelines requiring
mandatory social and environmental reporting by corporations.
In addition, pension funds would be required to disclose whether
their investment policies take into account these guidelines.
Other recommendations from this report include:
· amending corporate laws to encourage private companies
of a certain size to provide annual disclosures,
· implementing the above requirements in 1 - 3 years,
· requiring disclosure list of all serious criminal
or regulatory convictions in annual reports and
· obliging large public and private companies to produce
annual social audits.
FITTING INTO THE GLOBAL CONTEXT
In a global survey, Canada ranks in the mid range on sustainability.
Canada had 26% of its top 100 companies producing sustainability
reports, thus ranking behind Germany (at 36%), Sweden (34%),
UK (32%), Norway (31%), USA (30%) and Denmark (29%). Canada
had a higher percentage than The Netherlands (25%), Belgium
(16%), Australia (15%), Finland (15%) and France (4%).
Several European countries have made a systematic effort to
increase corporate environmental reporting through specific
government requirements and actions. Denmark, Norway and the
Netherlands have all mandated a specified form of environmental
reporting for many companies. In the UK, the government has
motivated many companies to publish environmental reports
by amending their pension fund regulations. The new regulations
require pension funds to report publicly how they consider
environmental and social factors in their investment decisions.
This has led them to request environmental and social information
from companies in which they invest.
The Canadian government seems to be lagging in comparison
to other jurisdictions in terms of having a strategic focus
or demonstrated commitment to CSR according to a CBSR report.
Due to its high standard of living, Canada is well positioned
to become a leader in CSR. Canada can contribute to CSR by
sharing best practices with less developed countries by hosting
conferences with the end product of sharing its lessons learned
to date.

MEASURING SUSTAINABILITY
OF FARMING
By Linda Geggie, LifeCycles Project Society
Giving a definition of sustainable farming
is much like asking three blind men to describe an elephant.
It depends on what end you are looking at. In order to determine
the "sustainability" of farming we must look at
its inter-related dimensions. A sustainable farming and food
system must consider and strive for:
· the livelihood of farmers and the vibrancy of rural
communities
· agricultural production systems that are restorative
to the physical environment and maintain a productive and
dependable land base
· the ability to feed local populations first and provide
them with long-term food security
In order to measure progress towards the sustainability of
farming in Canada, and the strength of farmers, it is of key
importance to understand farming as a web of economic, health,
environmental and social relationships. Appropriate objectives
set by communities, national governments and international
agreements in regards to the promotion of sustainable farming
must consider activities that strengthen, and do not jeopardize
or act in contradiction to, any one of these important elements.
"The number one concern of farmers and allied major groups
is to get food security, rural development and sustainable
livelihoods onto the agenda".
While Canada has taken many distinct actions (such as the
creation of the Agri-Environmental Indicator Project, Canada's
Action Plan for Food Security , and the initiation of the
Canadian Rural Partnership Program ), it has failed to adequately
address an overarching trend and activity that is perhaps
the greatest threat to the sustainability of farming. This
threat is corporate concentration through vertical and horizontal
integration of the agri-food sector. If we do not address
corporate concentration and control of the food sector, and
the industrialization and globalization of agriculture then
we are not adequately addressing the social, economic and
environmental concerns of Canadian farmers and Canadian communities.
INDICATOR
Used in conjunction with other environmental, social and health
based indicators, the percentage share of large agribusiness
operations of farming activity in Canada may be a tool in
measuring an increase or decrease towards greater sustainability
of farming in Canada. The relationship of farm size and numbers
to such things as: farming practices; diversification of economy;
agricultural production based employment; and the health of
rural and farming communities; makes it a holistic and appealing
indicator.
Independent family farms tend to be more responsible to local
environment and community concerns, spend closer to home,
ship less distance, employ more people, and have less negative
environmental impacts on soil, water and air. "An agricultural
structure that was increasingly corporate and non family owned
tend(s) to lead to population decline, lower incomes, fewer
community services, less participation in democratic processes,
less retail trade, environmental pollution, more unemployment
and an emerging rigid class structure."
Most agribusiness firms, particularly large ones, when measured
against the goals of sustainability are not making significant
contributions, mainly due to their centralized nature. The
implications of centralization, industrialization and globalization
of agriculture are that smaller independent farmers are unable
to compete in the market place. There is the loss of farms,
greater unemployment in agricultural production sector, decline
in rural communities, greater tendencies to methods of farming
reliant on higher levels of chemical inputs and energy usage
and an increasing infatuation with biotechnology which jeopardizes
our physical environment, and the rights of farmers and indigenous
communities across the world. It is also doing little to make
food healthier or more accessible to all Canadians . The merits
of "economies of scale" fall apart when we consider
more than just the bottom line, and look at greater social
and environmental costs.
LOOKING BACK
If we review the changes in the number and size of farms over
the past decade in Canada, we see an alarming and accelerating
trend . Larger farms (based on gross farm receipts) represent
a rapidly increasing share of all farms in Canada. The number
of large farms (>$100,000 in gross farm receipts) increased
by 11% between 1991 and 1996, and by a further 16% between
1996 and 1999, for a total change of 27%. The result is that
large farms now represent 40% of total farms (compared to
27% in 1991).
On the other hand small farms (<$50,000 gross farm receipts)
declined by 6% between 1991 and 1996, and a further 22% between
1996 and 1999. This means a total decrease in the number of
smaller farms by 28%, so that smaller farms now represent
only 33% of all farms in Canada. In addition, by breaking
down the percentage changes between the two periods we can
see acceleration in the trend over the past decade.
GLOBAL CONTEXT
Over the past decade, the worldwide value of corporate mergers
and acquisitions increased from US$462 billion in 1990 to
over US$3.5 trillion in 2000, roughly 12% of total world economic
output. This concentration of corporate power has affected
most sectors of the global economy at the same time as disparities
between the rich and poor have grown sharply: according to
the United Nations Development Programme, the richest 1% of
the world's population receives as much income as the poorest
57%.
An example of this in Canada is that, two companies, IBP and
Cargill, dominate the beef packing sector with 74% of Canadian
capacity. Four companies (DuPont/Pioneer, Monsanto, Novartis,
and Dow) control 69% of the North American seed corn market
and 47% of the soybean seed market.
On one hand Canada is participating in the World Trade Organization,
General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade, Codex Alimentarius,
and North American Free Trade Agreement, which have contributed
to the effects of this concentration process. While at the
same time Canada has committed to Agenda 21 that states that
National governments should promote pricing mechanisms, trade
policies, fiscal incentives and other policy instruments that
positively affect individual farmer's decisions about an efficient
and sustainable use of natural resources, and take full account
of the impact of these decisions on household hood security,
farm incomes, employment and the environment.
So while Canada is taking measures in some areas, it is turning
a blind eye towards the vertical and horizontal integration
of agribusiness that may be most dangerous to the sustainability
of farmers and farming. We must decide what row to hoe, and
Governments must stop talking out of both sides of their mouths.
TARGETS AND STRATEGIES FOR 2012
It is imperative that we see a reversal of these trends in
the next 10 years. If Canada and Canadians are serious about
the sustainability of farms and farmers both in Canada and
around the world, then we must see a dramatic shift in policies
and global trade regimes. We must ensure that independent
farms and farming families survive. A target that we could
set that would ensure this, and reveal a strong independent
farming sector would be to have smaller independent farms
holding at least 50% share of the production market in Canada.
WHAT STRATEGIES CAN COMMUNITIES AND GOVERNMENTS
TAKE?
Some suggestions are to :
· Argue that international bodies cannot address world
food security without addressing corporate ownership, control
and consolidation, and call for strengthening the U.N. Food
and Agriculture Organization's economic division to monitor
the impacts of multinational corporations and new technologies
on world food security.
· Support the Seattle Declaration of Via Campesina.
· Support co-op development.
· Support organic production and certification and
verification bodies.
· Provide information, and monitoring in terms of business
practices.
· Consumer activism - Consumers have historically acted
singly and in groups to effect changes in agribusiness practices
through such things as selective purchasing or ethical investment.
· Change the characteristics of and regulations governing
the corporation such as creating legal changes to the status
of the corporation, shareholder control, and restricting mergers
and acquisitions (Canada has only one significant legal instrument
in place, the Competition Act).
· Make tax revisions
· Increase liability for corporations and broaden their
ownership base.
· Choose and support alternative enterprise forms.
· Redesign economic concepts to support sustainability.


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